Security Policy and Regional Integration: ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC

Introduction

During the War Cold in Latin America, South Africa and even the dynamics of South Asia not included in international politics. Studies on the Policy and Cold War the race to safety in other parts of the world, especially in the industrial West have overlooked the Third World in search of safety. Even after the Cold War difficult situations are still third world security due to the existence of a complex balance of power that is often a precarious balance. The current phase of globalization, and Kenichi Ohmae (1990, 1993 and 1996) argues, became a world "without borders" where economic forces and free trade have become the focus of international relations. In such a situation, Third World countries often have to play the difficult balancing acts. This article is an attempt to address this Three Third Security situation in the world, levels of analysis – international system, regional and state levels. This analysis is carried out through three major organizations regional authorities in the Third World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. It is an attempt to reveal how the politics of integration and regional security are interdependent and interrelated in the Third World. In the process, which will contribute to our understanding of how these regional organizations to address and deal with issues security with the current phase of globalization.

What is security?

Security in international politics is a moot point, and remains to this day. For too long, traditional thinking was that "the State is and should be on security, focusing on security military and politics "(Buzan and 1998:37). This notion of security has expanded since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 which created the concept of nation-state. This of view has become more important during the twentieth century with two world wars and as a result of the cold war that lasted almost five decades. After War's end Cold, the field of security at the university has been amended many "helpers" who argued that the issue should cover a wider range threats and to go beyond the traditional emphasis on military issues for the State Security. These changes in perception have created debate between those who follow the subscription traditional thinking and those who wanted to "expand" the definition of security to include other non-military threats as well [1].

Security in the Third World

Since 1945, many of the most serious threats to national security have become internal rather than external, a change that has profound implications for international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, security among States in the Third World "is increasingly dependent on security within states. "For Third World countries, security is not simply refer to external aspects of the military threat, but also the whole existence of the state, including national security and nation building systems, food security, health, economy, trade and the environment (Thomas 1987). The Third World states, as all states are concerned about their own safety, internal and external. But since they are mostly poor, underdeveloped and post-colonial Third World states have inherited from their colonial economy, the political structure and perceptions of safety. Some are pre-modern and weak, characterized by low levels of socio-political and poorly developed structures of government. The titles of these states are influenced by these characteristics. For authoritarian governments Third World security is also the fight against internal subversion and internal police at all costs.

The following three sections focus on policy security and regional integration in the Third World, mainly through the different dimensions of security analysis at three levels – international, regional and state. Where appropriate, the security dimensions include the military, political, economic, sectors of society and the environment [2]. Beyond these dimensions, security problems are internal and external dimensions. As mentioned above, this analysis will be conducted the investigation that the three organizations regional ASEAN, MERCOSUR and troubleshoot security in the SADC.

The International System

The Cold war period

The Cold War politics had dominated the international system works much of the second half of the century twentieth century. Interestingly, while the Third World states were unimportant in the global balance of power and hardly figured in security programs policy in the West, strong bipolar system and the concern of Western powers to spread Communism and Containment exacerbated conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in central and strategic area of Europe and North America have avoided the Cold War proved to be a warm and Third World states where the great powers have played the game of international politics. The Vietnam War was the clearest result and example.

The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasing participation of the Soviet Union and the growing threat to regional security in ASEAN has been adopting a policy of non-aligned. The Vietnam War continued harm the relations of the members and threaten regional security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam have exacerbated the situation. In 1976, ASEAN has been forced to consider as a partnership with security as their main concern. Thus, at the Summit in Bali in February 1976, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord signed. They agreed on "The right of every State to lead its national existence free from external interference, subversion or coercion non-interference in the internal affairs of each other, the settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful means and renounces the threat or use of force '(ASEAN 1976). Reunification of Vietnam, the worsening internal security problems and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to another dilemma for ASEAN Security mid-1970. Subsequent negotiations in which the importance of ASEAN as a regional organization to resolve conflicts and maintain security has been widely recognized. Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnam War was concluded by the Paris Agreement of 1991.

Meanwhile, the security problem in South Africa during the cold war has been exacerbated by the presence of apartheid in South Africa, a regime that has also adopted a strong anti-communist policy and left with force against any socialist policy. Angola and Mozambique, having chosen this path, have been particularly affected. During the 1950 and 1960, Defense South African Force (SADF) has developed a doctrine of national security (the strategy of the total), with emphasis on the psychological resources, social and economic to target its enemies, as well as military means. The South African government has created a framework for implementing policies that cut completely across all sectors of the public life, called Management System for National Security. Louis Nel, South Africa and Deputy Foreign Minister said in November 1982, "The Kremlin has supported movements active in South African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary in their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The Kremlin's support for SWAPO, ANC and South African Communist Party South African anti-SWA / Namibia and the Republic of South Africa, respectively "(Quoted in Hanlon 1986: 8). The use of words such had two advantages – the policy of apartheid could be regarded as communist-inspired and requested support from the West, has been a bulwark against communist attack (Hanlon, 1986: 8).

The United States, being a great power, known as Latin America as its sphere of influence. Since the majority of the Monroe Doctrine 1823, when U.S. President James Monroe warned European powers to stay in the Americas, the U.S. have, in effect, reserves the right to exercise influence and to intervene in Latin America. This has been a factor in the policy of the United States and many Latin American countries over a long period. The Cold War has also reduced Latin American countries (LAC) the possibility of relations with other regions. Consequently, most countries in the region reduced its dependence on the superpowers. It was the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), which have shaped much of the South American regionalism. This can be seen as opposition to the hegemony indirect superpowers. Unlike Europe, this region has been relatively quiet until 1960, when the Cold War is turned into a hot missile crisis 1962 Cuban. While many interstate wars erupted after the 1960s, the security problem true for Latin America was the Cold War, with the countries of the region is becoming a sphere of influence. Since 1960, the U.S. intervened militarily and more in your own backyard and governments installed puppets.

The Cold War also marked a dangerous nuclear arms race. Faced with this threat, in 1971, a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality (ZOPFAN) Declaration was signed by member states of ASEAN. This statement can be seen as a reaction to the emerging multipolarity of the region with the USSR, United States, China and Japan, the great powers to influence events in southern Asia. Similarly, through the Foz de Iguazú Declaration in November 1985, Brazil and Argentina have declared their nuclear programs should be for peaceful purposes. The Action of the Third World states can be considered as his desire to move away from politics of the Cold War superpower interference and aggression that destabilize the Third World.

Post-Cold War Period

Decline of the Soviet Union and the changes in the bipolar world had a more immediate effect for the Third World. He witnessed the rise U.S. as the only superpower that has become even more powerful over time.

Politically, the end of the Cold War led to the withdrawal of support in many third world countries and movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has discredited the model of substitution and the ideology represented by the Soviet Union. This in turn affected many movements and supports many Third World states, including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. Economically has also led to changes in the direction of trade and business. The military dimension is the same result of a change in the arms trade, transfers and transactions. The post of the Cold War, symbolized by the powerful influence of the United States, their participation in the Third World problems and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan, etc), of the complex web of international relations has been and will have an impact on Third World security and regional integration process. For countries where the issue of Third World security has become more heterogeneous after the Cold War, as it has become subject to more pressure and complex.

Post-9/11 period

The world has entered a new period of uncertainty and threats after September 11 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S., and events that followed. Soon after, U.S. launched a movement and led a coalition to topple the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The attacks have also led the introduction of the "war against terrorism" legislation in many countries including the UK, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This resulted in an end to the transition that followed the end of the Cold War Wenger (and Zimmerman 2003: 1).

For years, states and regional organizations were ignored and did not consider terrorism as a priority. If this is true for most states, is particularly in third world countries where the diseases of poverty, internal conflicts and hunger had been regarded as problems immediate resolve. But this threat has been increasingly a problem for all states in most of the attacks in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam and Casablanca in 1999, attacks Bali, attacks in Britain, Egypt, Yemen, Argentina in 1992 and 1994 and other threats and attacks in all regions of the world. Terrorism can not be treated as a reason of concern to the West. He became a security issue when the international regional organization should provide a coherent response to the integration process and international trade and intra-regional will not be hindered by these threats.

Regional Level

When ASEAN was created to despite its policy of nonalignment, some members of official lineups yet the United States and Britain. The fact is that members are solely responsible for their own safety. Therefore, the political and strategic alliances with other countries took place outside the structures of ASEAN. After its establishment, ASEAN has been seen by the Communist bloc is no more than a "Western inspired military alliance against China and the U.S., the Indo-Chinese" (Dixon, 1999: 118). It Admittedly, for much of the Cold War and later China was considered a threat to the safety of members of ASEAN, as most countries ASEAN want to see America remain a regional power. Many believe that the withdrawal of the United States will create a power vacuum would be filled by China or Japan. But the report of the members of ASEAN with China has improved considerably since the end of the Cold War. This new relationship with China, headed by ASEAN in 1997. It was held in Beijing. This new design was because the leaders of ASEAN have begun to acknowledge the political and economic benefits of closer links easily overcome with China military risks.

The end of the apartheid regime in South Africa, the formation of the SADC and its attempt to reconcile differences among the former states of differing policies and plans significant safety events in southern Africa. At their summit meeting in Gaborone in 1996 SADC Heads of State and Government SADC's Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) was launched. For the first time since the creation of CDIC, the region has stabilized regional security architecture. Interstate Defence and Security (ISDSC), which was established in 1994 has integrated the newly discovered OPDS. In 2003, a mutual defense pact was signed by members of SADC. It was a commitment to its formal role as SADC collective defense organization. While "international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction mass … the game and any other role to play in the region "(2006:11 Steinhilber), the problem of HIV / AIDS is a major concern for all African states. This creates instability and therefore affects regional integration. The HIV / AIDS was an important issue and raises serious concerns for southern African states today. This problem is clearly reflected in the declaration of Prega Ramsamy (2001: 35), former Secretary General of the SADC, when he said "HIV / AIDS [pandemic] is growing in our community. The available statistics indicate that the rate of people living in the region could be as high as one in five in some Member States the United States. At least four Member States have rates above 400 per 100,000, indicating the magnitude of the problem. "The SADC members have committed to collectively fight against HIV / AIDS with urgency (SADC, 2003).

Improved relations, the security agenda and has changed the process of democratization in Latin America since the late 1980s and early 1990s led to a new perception of a common vision of Latin America. The Treaty of Asunción established the MERCOSUR in March 1991. With the admission of Bolivia and Chile, MERCOSUR expanded to represent 230 million people, or 45 percent of the population of Latin America. Although the Southern Cone countries do not face external threats, closer economic ties and opening of borders often cause security problems for their neighbors. As the Army has taken on new tasks, the problem is if you keep a balance among member countries on security and responsibilities management. Argentina and Brazil also oppose the idea of institutionalization of the Conference of Ministers of the U.S. defense. This implies that they are explicitly against a continental security system. Be clear that African countries are too different, we can also say that the two most powerful states in the desire Southern Cone to influence other members of MERCOSUR and the functioning of regional integration agreement itself. Paraguay and Uruguay and wants a joint maneuver an advisory body for this purpose because they are afraid Argentina and Brazil could use its nuclear technology for their own ends, despite the nuclear treaty. Brazil is also said that its nuclear project. During this time, Chile has chosen to have an independent defense policy. On the economic front, the countries of MERCOSUR still are not managed security – the devaluation of the Brazilian real in 1999 and other financial crises in Argentina and Brazil's case develops. These crises also led MERCOSUR members to question their existence.

Statewide

An analysis of the Third World Security in the state faces enormous challenges because of the vastness of the security and differences in perceptions and conditions in these states. Security for these states is higher than the common problem of State's ability to protect its resources and its borders and involves measurements food, environment, economy, elites, society, culture and legitimacy and survival states and regimes. In other words, all dimensions of the military, political, economic, social and environmental values are equally important for the Third World. In recent years, the problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and terrorism have also been added to the security dilemma of states.

First, the role played by the military regimes and governments is essential to secure and maintain its sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. The role military's political Third World, coupled with weak government institutions have led to armed groups and paramilitary forces to gain more power and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups after coups have passed because of powerful political stance of the military enjoys. In Indonesia, longevity control depends on the military. The military has also been used for more power, even illegitimate. This leads to the use of military force against the forces of opposition for the death of thousands of people. This kind of military adventures and military use is particularly widespread in Africa. For example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia has decided to participate in an intervention operation in the DRC to fight the rebel forces. This action occurred on the basis of the request President Laurent-Désiré Kabila came to power by military force. In most regions of the world, the militarization of these problems and the new role that the army has begun to play ironically led to greater insecurity for the civilian population. The roles played by the military could put them in touch with the people civil and increase the likelihood of violations of human rights. It also could put them in direct confrontation with people (Pion-Berlin 2000). But in general, political role that the army had been reduced since the democratization process has begun.

In addition to secessionist movements, violence and ethnic riots, the states of ASEAN are sensitive to economic shocks and are economically unstable. security money has not been reached. For instance, the economy Thailand experienced a severe economic crisis in late 1970s and early 1980s that led the economy to the brink of collapse. Several reforms have been undertaken under Fund (IMF) and World Bank through which the Thai economy recovered slowly. The Asian crisis in late 1990 also had serious effects in the economies of these states.

The environment, overexploitation of resources and attention paid to the limited environment has been controversial international and regional organizations to become more involved. As ECLAC (2001) stated: "The environment has played an important role production-based resources, as well as food supplies and other equipment to the population. However, a close relationship between economic development and social and environment is the basis for development strategies and policies in the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of environment Trade and development environment has been generally accepted. But developing countries were concerned about the proposals for the introduction of environmental and labor standards under the jurisdiction of the WTO. It was part of the reason for the failure to launch a new round of trade negotiations in Seattle in 2000. Environmental issues were once again on the agenda of the ministerial meeting in Doha in November 2001. "

Integration and Security

It has been said above, security and the perception of many Third World states remain the main source of stress for the movement of regional integration. During the Cold War International System has created a condition that leads to the emergence of internal conflicts and sometimes wars. These adverse effects destroyed the thin tissue that keeps Third World countries in their efforts to comply.

The nature of the ASEAN Way of non-interference, multilateral consultations can also switch to a more useful and practical. Instead of ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the issues, they should be treated directly. Of course, the sovereignty of a member must be respected, but as a regional organization is also your responsibility to effectively address of a member in a constructive way. Linked to these is the problem facing ASEAN regionalism. He lacked the capacity and resources. These restrictions are supplemented by constraints of the Charter that gives high priority to the principles of sovereignty and non interference. In this situation, the prospects for cooperation are further reduced. Despite that ASEAN was "come to regard as one of the most successful experiments in regionalism in the developing world" (Acharya 1993: 3), the ASEAN Way informal or non-interference process of ASEAN has been under severe criticism. For these reasons, some have pointed out that his "goal seems to be to hide differences key opinion among its members under the guise of consensus and non-interference "and that" the ASEAN way "will not address the underlying tensions, is simply ignored "(Jones and Smith, 2002: 103, 108).

The scenery of southern Africa was very different from that of ASEAN. For many years, SADC Member States had to face the weight of South Africa "comprehensive strategy" to destabilize and blackmail. Since the 1990s, new hope emerged in the region. But hope and reality are often separated from their means. Therefore, by the SADC to continue as a stronger regional organization, the Authority Politics, Defence and Security and Cooperation (OPDSC) should not be allowed to function as its predecessor, the OPDS. suspected members of each may be removed by a series of measures to promote trust and adoption of a system of shared leadership. To OPDSC to be effective, must adopt a security concept that takes into account military political, social, economic and environmental. distrust each other in Africa South Africa, which led to various perceptions of safety. Southern States Africa still lack access to the shared values and visions as well. A result that can be extracted from optimistic protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Strategic Plan Indicative for the Organ (SIPO) is that the SADC seems to have abandoned the limited vision of security that prevailed during the Cold War. The agenda now includes two threats political-military (war between states, civil war in large-scale human rights violations, war crimes against humanity, genocide, coups state and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor governance and abuse of power, the dangers of instability that accompany periods of political transition and attacks against democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food security, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants, humanitarian disasters and natural, disease, poverty and underdevelopment and environmental degradation) (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major problem for South Africa in recent times has been the issue HIV / AIDS. person interaction and cooperation between people, political parties, leaders and the government will help a lot. It now states to develop and begin the process of building trust and cooperation in the military, political, social, economic and cultural.

In the 1990s, the number of interstate conflicts in the former Latin America (Argentina Chile and Peru Ecuador, El Salvador and Honduras, Chile and Peru) resolved diplomatically. The reconciliation policy pursued by Brazil and Argentina have also borne fruit, so the possible formation of MERCOSUR, one of the largest groups economic in the world, eventually representing 45% of the population of Latin America. Democratic institutions in Latin America is relatively new, are weak in their structures, opening the way for non-state actors to chaos (Steinhilber 2006: 7). Domestic problems include drug trafficking, therefore, arms trafficking, organized crime, the environment, natural disasters, deprivation, social, transnational crime, guerrilla organizations, state and revolutionary acts against the dysfunction that violence in many circumstances, the militarization and clashes between the groups. The main risk factors for Latin America after the Cold War are linked to the lack governance, instability and weak democratic institutionalization (Aravena 2004: 6). No let the simple formation of MERCOSUR, which is the end. Rather than relying on rhetoric and ideologies, Member States must work together in a spirit cooperation and solve the enormous problems ahead.

In general, the regions of South Asia, South Africa and South America have specific types of safety problems different from the Western idea of security. For them, security will not only be protected from external threats and had a department store or Arsenal, but also be obtained from internal subversion. It also means the maintenance and retention plan, system of food safety, health, trade and development. All these problems are interrelated. These problems challenge the legitimacy of governments which in turn leads to ineffective governments unable to ensure security people. But at the same time, no organization or the model was able to establish a strong government in these areas to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create a new organization to respond to these questions is beyond question. The current ASEAN, SADC and MERCOSUR organizations can open the way for better relations while finding ways to ensure the safety of Third World states, provided that these organizations become more active and sincere in their activities.

NOTES

[A] For more on this topic, see Ullman (1983), Hirsch and Doyle (1977), Meadows et at (1972), Ruggie (1982), Walt (1991); Mearcheimer (1990) and Ayoob (1997), Peterson and Sebenius (1992), Lynn Jones and Miller (1995) Buzan (1991) Buzan (1991b), Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz (2002).

[2] This value is calculated from Buzan et al (1998)

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About the Author

The author has a Ph. D. in International Politics from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
His areas of interest are Southeast Asia, Southern Africa and Latin America and writes mainly on the politics of regional integration in these areas. He also writes on issues pertaining to South Asia, particularly on India’s Northeast.

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